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Description Katherine Tonkiss offers a succinct account of constitutional patriotism theory, specifically arguing that it involves a commitment to free migration. She draws on qualitative research to explore the implications of this claim for the dynamics of post-national identity and belonging in local communities.

Product details Format Paperback pages Dimensions x x Other books in this series. Add to basket. Extractions Michal Rachel Nahman. After Deportation Shahram Khosravi.

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Global Inequality Matters Darrel Moellendorf. Redirecting Human Rights A. Transnational Social Justice C. Global Rectificatory Justice Goran Collste. Nationalism and Democracy 2. Constitutional Patriotism 3. Defending the National Interest 5. Constructing Difference 6. Towards Inclusive Citizenship show more. Review Text 'This is an important contribution to the debate on national and post-national belonging.

It contains not only a sophisticated engagement with the literature on liberal nationalism and constitutional patriotism, but also and this is unfortunately still rare in political theory an illuminating empirical case study. The empirical work notably strengthens the author's argument for a constitutional patriotism built from the local ground up. Not only does she refine the theory and help us think through some potentially very important means of promoting democratic solidarity by non-national means, but she persuasively argues that a commitment to constitutional patriotism will imply a commitment to much freer movement across borders.

This leads, she shows, to a seeming paradox, where a rejection of strong national identification can provoke the activation or reinforcement of the same in migrant-receiving communities. Tonkiss' book is essential reading for anyone interested in issues of citizenship, migration, national belonging, and possible non-nationalistic bonds of solidarity. All those interested in multiculturalism, nations and nationalism, the ethics of immigration need to read it. Review quote 'This is an important contribution to the debate on national and post-national belonging.

Her research interests include the ethics of migration control, post-national identity and belonging, democracy and participation, and the local experience of migration and diversity.

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Rating details. It is these issues which present the most useful insights for the purposes of the analysis of European Union citizenship which forms the primary concern of this paper. The main argument in this paper is that there are the two central pillars to an EU conception of citizenship: the problem of identity in a transnational polity , and the achievement of the rights associated with social citizenship in the specific [single] market context offered by the European Union at its present stage of development. However, the insight is completed through a presentation of how citizenship can be conceptualised in the light of contemporary understandings of the dynamics of the integration process Section III.

As Habermas notes, [54] the geographical arena of the continent of Europe offers two historical movements which touch upon the relation between citizenship and national identity. The first stems from the break-up of the Soviet Union, the decline of communism and state socialism in Europe, the reunification of Germany, the reinvention of many of the countries of Central and Eastern Europe as liberal market democracies, and finally the re-emergence of some age-old ethnic conflicts in some of the Eastern European countries and those carved out of the former Soviet Union.

A dramatic modernization process in many of these countries has thrown questions of citizenship into sharp relief. The second historical movement is the process of economic and political integration within the states of the European Union, which calls for a reconsideration - amongst other matters - of democratic processes hitherto strongly associated with the modern liberal nation state. With the latter movement should also be coupled a trend towards regionalization within Europe.

In order to understand these issues fully it is necessary to turn a critical eye upon the linkages between citizenship and nation, nationality, nationalism and national identity. Assumptions about citizenship being an essential national concept [57] are closely intertwined with the rise of the phenomenon of modern nationalism. The point is made very clearly by Hutchinson and Smith:.

While they have drawn together in the post-Enlightenment modern era, citizenship and the concepts associated with the nation stem from very different roots. Walzer reminds us that the word comes from the Latin civis , the Greek equivalent of which is polites member of a polis , from which comes the word political. This form of citizenship encompasses both the active and passive elements: the citizen is both governor and governed. At this point, it is essential to suggest some definitions for key terms.

Those proposed by Smith offer a useful starting point, [65] although it should be recalled that his definitions are best understood within the framework of his own position on the origins and current relevance of nationalism, briefly discussed below.

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  8. A contrary strand of thinking - well exemplified by the work of Smith himself [69] - would emphasise instead the continuing importance of pre-modern ethnic ties for modern nationalisms, arguing that purely political theories have as little explanatory value in relation to, for example, the widely differing forms which ethnic nationalism can take varying between fiercely xenophobic to broadly multiculturalist and pluralist , as the widely discredited view of ethnicity and nationalism as primordial and perennial.

    Although the modernists differ amongst themselves as to questions such as the key causal factors in the modernization process e. England before the modern era is essentially an accidental phenomenon. In contrast, the ethnicists look at nationalism over a longer time span. According to Hutchinson,. In fact, the cleavages between the different strands of thinking are not so stark as might be thought.

    For example, in a recent essay Armstrong states that.

    Chapter 3. The Globalization Hypothesis and Its Fallacies

    Hutchinson helpfully summarises the similarities and continuing differences between the modernist and ethnicist approaches in these terms:. It seems clear that whatever position one takes on the question of the origin of nations and the nature of nationalism, issues of identity with particular communities appear central to the understanding of the role and function of citizenship both as a status of individuals, and as one means of buttressing a sense of community.

    Human Rights and Global Ethics

    But there are bound to be substantial differences in how such conceptions of identity are seen as being constituted. Some might, for example, take the position that it is through citizenship that communities and identities are constituted, not vice versa , and that it is misleading to begin the search for European citizenship through the constitution of communities. The next part of this section will deal with these questions by examining the positions taken by a number of authors. First we shall examine the question of transnational polities.

    We begin with Habermas' argument that the nation state at least in Western Europe is in terminal decline, [79] and that there needs to be a decoupling of citizenship and nationality. We shall then turn to the challenge to the nation state centred concept of citizenship posed by international migration, using the work of Koslowski and Soysal.

    Habermas takes a position on nationalism which falls broadly within the modernist camp. From that war and the feelings it aroused, Margaret Thatcher drew the strength for an overwhelming victory in the UK General Election. Habermas wishes to preserve the republican heritage and to maintain democratic citizenship through forms of organization such as the European Union:.

    Habermas acknowledges that it may be too thin a bond to hold together such societies, [92] and consequently it is useful to look further at other ways in which a sense of identity may engendered at, for example, the transnational level. Canada or Belgium. This must include the valuing and recognition o f minority rights, [95] including cultural rights, rights of representation, and, where necessary, self-government rights.

    A different approach is suggested by Breton. In other words, Breton is arguing that elements of a transnational polity and of what it does, including its policy-making activities - including the evolution of a conception of citizenship - can feed in a number of different ways into the creation of identity. This form of identification depends upon a means-end calculation, and is contingent upon a sense of benefitting from the enterprise with which identification is sought. The effectiveness of such identities depends upon the efficacy of the relevant institutions created for pooling joint-decision-making, and the evocation of symbols stressing values of collaboration and resource sharing and joint achievements.

    Finally, there are questions of common heritage, including historical experience, cultural heritage, religion and language which may constitute identity. These may include democratic traditions, or historical educational practices. Breton, however, stresses that. The essence of Breton's argument is that all of these aspects of identity formation and identification are necessary in a multi-level system such as a federal state, or the EU.

    Breton's conceptual frame for the discussion of processes of identity formation linked to the policy activities of transnational polities provides vital tools for a closer empirical examination of citizenship rights and duties - so far as they exist in the EU in Section IV.

    Migration and Identity in a Post-National World | K. Tonkiss | Palgrave Macmillan

    The linkage of citizenship and policy-making will also be further explored in Section III. The extent to which notions of transnational identification are actually arising in the EU context will be examined further in Section III. The principal challenge offered by international migration concerns the status of the migrant.

    Migrants may not wish - for cultural or practical reasons including issues around property and succession - to relinquish the citizenship of their country of origin, in order to take on that of their country of residence by means of naturalization or registration, even if that is a possible option for them. As Koslowski [] argues, the continued application of ius sanguinis in countries where there are significant populations of migrants - particularly in combination with restrictive rules on naturalization - raises the questions of democratic inclusivity and legitimacy since the exclusion from the franchise of, for example, second generation migrants may be highly problematic.

    All of these solutions presume a continuing national focus, looking at the substitution or combination of different nationalities, and therefore, if one follows the argument about the symbolic combination of nationality and citizenship, of identities. This is canvassed by Soysal.

    It could also be added that Koslowski's focus is solely on questions of democratic legitimacy, primarily fostered through the electoral process. They pay taxes, have households, bring up children, and are often involved in the cultural life of the community in which they live.

    As Layton-Henry argues. Soysal then goes on to develop a theory of postnational membership, based on the following principles:.