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Few of the deportees ever returned. What lingers in public consciousness is this: it was French police officers who carried out this assault on their fellow citizens, not their Nazi occupiers. So she changed the subject. She had an anecdote ready. During a presidential election campaign that revolved around questions of national identity, Le Pen became the first public figure to discuss the killing of Attal. Yet Le Pen did not mention Attal by name, and she was wrong about her age. In fact, she had been 65, but the details about the actual woman who had been killed were never the point.

But for Le Pen, the killing of Attal — even before any of the details were known — served a much broader purpose. Three months earlier, on the night of the crime, he had been taken into custody, and police discovered that he already had a considerable criminal record, having served time for aggravated violence and drug dealing.

But when police tested him that night, the toxicology report showed a high level of cannabis in his bloodstream, and his behaviour was erratic enough that he was immediately sent to a psychiatric hospital. There he was examined by a respected psychiatrist, Daniel Zagury, who concluded that he was not of sound mind and was therefore not in a fit state to be interviewed by prosecutors. He claimed that the killing had happened during a bout of temporary insanity. On the night of 4 April he had been with a friend, he said, watching The Punisher. In recent years, the neighbourhood has become the kind of place where trendy cafes, natural wine bars and experimental restaurants with months-long waiting lists seem to anchor every block.

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A squat, angular structure plastered with grimy grey tiles on a short, treeless street, the apartment block is as far as central Paris gets from 19th-century grandeur. It is also a remarkably diverse neighbourhood, which appears at first glance to be a testament to the success of the French social model of integration, not its failures.

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Local residents describe a far more complex reality than often appears in public discussions of the killing. I met him as he was bringing in groceries one afternoon, and his eyes filled with tears when I asked him if he knew the woman who had been killed. He said he had been on vacation when the killing happened, visiting family in Morocco.

But one reason the case became so notorious is that it fit into what has become a common narrative.

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France is the only country in Europe where Jews are periodically murdered for being Jewish. In nearly every case, the victims have been either identifiably Jewish or personal acquaintances of the perpetrator. Almost all perpetrators and victims have been lower middle-class, residing in the same diverse neighbourhoods, the same streets, or even the same buildings. But the Halimis lived in Bagneaux, the same low-income banlieue as the gang members themselves.

Ilan Halimi was imprisoned and tortured in the basement of a public housing project for three weeks.

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For Rachid Benzine, a scholar of Islam and a well-known French public commentator, these killings are best understood in the context of what he calls postcolonial antisemitism. The legal disparity continued even after Algeria won independence, when hundreds of thousands of former colonial subjects from North Africa continued to arrive in metropolitan France.

Jews like the Attal family, originally from the Algerian city of Constantine, arrived in France as citizens. Muslims, however, had to apply to the government for the privilege of citizenship. Many French citizens of west African origin, for instance, argue that while the French state has invested fully in preserving the memory of the Holocaust, it has made little effort to preserve the memory of slavery. All that commemorates slavery in Paris, the capital of a former slave-trading nation, are two small nondescript statues.

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The only museum that documents this history is in the overseas department of Guadeloupe, nearly 7,km from mainland France. Tin said he could understand that frustration, but not its expression.

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T he battle over antisemitism in contemporary France often comes down to a war of words. Few would dispute the existence or even the virulence of antisemitism. Among those incidents were the torching of two kosher shops in the Paris suburbs and a Jewish teenager being slashed in the face with a utility knife. But when it comes to naming the perpetrators, or labelling particular acts, this certitude collapses. Thank you for your interest in helping us moderate questionable content on Lulu. If you need assistance with an order or the publishing process, please contact our support team directly.

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Your digital signature is as legally binding as a physical signature. In Los Angeles County, the most populous county in the nation, social workers have an average of clients each. But other counties have even higher ratios—in Riverside County, case workers average about clients each. There are no statewide standards for how many cases a social worker can carry. Carroll said in some smaller counties workers have caseloads as low as seven.

In the areas with high caseloads, she said, the state has been urging counties to hire. During their visits, county workers focus much more on possible fraud than on quality of care, statistics suggest. From through , workers in the five most populous California counties—Los Angeles, San Diego, Orange, Riverside, and San Bernardino—reported cases of fraudulent overpayment to caregivers.

The state has another limited quality-assurance program that aims to ensure clients are safe and that county workers are following proper procedures. In , just 3. Case workers—and caregivers—are required by law to report suspected abuse or neglect. This agency is also spread thin and has limited powers, according to state records and interviews.


The result, in some cases, is prolonged abuse and neglect by IHSS caregivers. Examples can be found in court records throughout the state. In Fresno, a year-old woman, disabled by a severe spine condition, hired her brother and his wife as IHSS caregivers. She died and the caregivers were convicted in of abusing her. McCoy left her unattended, and officials discovered her stuck to her sheets with gruesome bedsores in a fly-infested room, according to prosecutors. She died shortly afterward. McCoy was convicted in of elder abuse. Farrell was unable to walk and had very limited use of her arms as a result of a bout with polio years earlier.

Linda Maureen Raye had longstanding emotional problems, her brother Terrence Raye said. The last time he saw Farrell was at Riverside Community Hospital, where she had arrived sickened from ulcers that went to the bone. This article appears courtesy of Kaiser Health News. We want to hear what you think about this article. Submit a letter to the editor or write to letters theatlantic.